
The Berlin Olympic Games of 1936 stand as testament to the catastrophic failure of the international community to take a stand against an oppressive regime. The U.S. and other Western democracies refused the call of the left to boycott the Games, and thereby missed the opportunity to adopt a position that may have given Hitler pause and galvanized international resistance to fascist tyranny.
Unfortunately, the 2008 Beijing Olympics is shaping up to become another dismal example of the international community’s lack of will to take a timely stand against oppression and human rights violations. Just as was the case seventy-two years ago, the U.S. and Western democracies look set to participate in an Olympic Games that will bolster the domestic and global standing of an authoritarian, paranoid and fundamentally anti-democratic government.
For two weeks in the summer of 1936, the Nazi regime in Germany put on a good face to the world, exploiting the Olympic Games to project an image of prosperity, nationalism and success. This was not the Germany of political suppression, nor the nation of virulent and violent anti-Semitism. This was not the government with ideas of territorial expansion, racist ideology, and military conquest. No, Berlin in the summer of 1936 reflected a Germany renewed, a country freed from poverty, risen from the dark years of world war and crippling economic depression.
The thousands of foreign visitors and correspondents who flocked to Berlin marveled at the Olympic spectacle, the organizational flair, the obvious enthusiasm and national pride. The Olympic Games provided the Nazis not just with a global stage upon which to strut their stuff, but an opportunity to win further support at home. Politics, national image, political purpose and sport were united in a contrived and propagandized display intended to provide credibility and legitimacy to Hitler and his regime.
The international community - and most of the international media - were complicit in not rocking the Nazi boat. There had been a call for a boycott, but the United States and other Western democracies participated regardless. They willingly participated as supporting actors in Hitler’s massively orchestrated Olympian production.
The consequences of the failure of Western democracies to boycott the Games were arguably profound and far-reaching. The Berlin Games were a huge public relations and propaganda triumph for the Nazis, legitimizing their regime domestically and overseas, and encouraging and emboldening them. Within three years the Nazis had dragged Europe into conflagration.
The regime in Beijing in 2008 is far from that of Hitler in 1936. Even the most aggressive critics of the current Chinese government would not suggest, for example, that it is likely to replicate the worst atrocities of the Nazi regime. Indeed few regimes in history can match the ferocity, violence and paranoia of the Nazis.
The communist regime in China has certainly pursued policies of mass slaughter. The radical policies of the Great Leap Forward and other Maoist excesses resulted in the deaths of millions within China, while the spread of Maoist ideology led to the deaths of millions more in the Killing Fields of Cambodia and elsewhere.
But we don’t need to look to such comparatively distant history to find evidence that Beijing regime is anti-democratic, authoritarian, and frequently brutal in suppressing political and ideological dissent. Ironically, preparations for the Olympic Games (theme: “One World, One Dream”) has apparently stimulated human rights violations, including the abuse of migrant construction workers, mass evictions for Olympic infrastructure, and the use of house arrests to silence dissidents.
The Chinese government continues to violate the rights of journalists in spite of assurances to the International Olympic Committee that the Games would foster improvements in human rights and of specific pledges of wider media freedoms. HIV/AIDS activists are harassed, attacked and placed under surveillance. China continues to suppress independent religions deemed a threat to the state, and undermine independent Tibetan religion and culture. China, of course, maintains its control of Tibet through military occupation, violence, and resettlement.
Dissidents in China face imprisonment for subversion, and those who talk to foreign media have been imprisoned for espionage. Independent trade unions are forbidden. Anyone perceived to be an opponent of the regime is likely to be harassed, assaulted or worse. It is estimated that around 7,500 Chinese are executed each year – more than the rest of the world combined – though the exact number has been declared a “state secret.” Chinese courts lack transparency and judicial independence, and their role remains that of loyal state apparatus. With inadequate or non-existent defense counsel, those facing capital punishment find themselves in courts that don’t even pretend to approach international minimum standards.
China actively supports some of the most repressive and tyrannical governments around the globe, from Myanmar to Sudan, offering political and economic support to rogue states in exchange for access to oil and other natural resources. China’s hunger for these resources, combined with an apparent lack of any moral compass in its foreign dealings, has ensured that regimes with truly appalling human rights records have been able to maintain their grip on power thanks to Chinese money and support.
President Bush has already accepted an invitation to attend the opening ceremonies of the Beijing Olympics. His acceptance was premature, and signals to the regime in Beijing that China’s human rights record is – despite what American diplomats may say publicly – not so high on Washington’s agenda that it would cause the President to miss the firework show and photo-op. It is hard to interpret his early acceptance as anything other than a clear vote of support for Beijing.
Indeed it is difficult to detect any coherent strategy from Washington aimed at improving the human rights situation within China or limiting the continuing support of China for the world’s rogue nations. Perhaps the explanation surrounds us: China bankrolls U.S. deficit spending and sells the American electorate the cheap consumer merchandize that keeps them happy. Flat-screen TVs and containers of plastic toys are, perhaps, the new purchase price of the American conscience.
In 1936, the Western democracies provided an oppressive regime with a stamp of approval. Surely we can do better seventy-two years later.
Dr. John Hall is an associate professor and Director of the Center for Global Trade & Development, Chapman University School of Law, in Orange, Calif.